Paroles immortelles d'Ernesto 'Che' Guevara

10/10/2017 14 min arretsurinfo.ch #133863

Extraits de deux discours du Commandant Ernesto Che Guevara, traduits en français pour la première fois à l'occasion du cinquantenaire de son assassinat par la CIA, le 9 octobre 1967

Transcription :

Discours à Santiago de Cuba, le 30 novembre 1964, à l'occasion du 8e anniversaire du soulèvement de la ville mené par Frank País

... Notre lutte victorieuse a entraîné deux conséquences : le réveil des peuples d'Amérique, qui ont vu qu'on pouvait faire la Révolution (et triompher), qui ont pu éprouver comment une révolution pouvait être faite, constater que toutes les voies (vers le soulèvement populaire) n'étaient pas fermées et voir qu'il n'était pas indispensable de constamment [recevoir les coups des exploiteurs], et que ce chemin vers l'émancipation n'était pas aussi long et ardu que pouvaient l'imaginer ou le penser certains chefs de parti qui luttent avec acharnement contre les oligarchies et contre l'impérialisme dans chaque pays.

Et en même temps, nous avons ouvert les yeux de l'impérialisme. L'impérialisme a aussi commencé à se préparer à noyer dans le sang les nouvelles Cubas qui pourraient voir le jour. Et avant de mourir, Kennedy avait déjà dit qu'ils n'admettraient pas de nouvelles Cubas dans le continent. Cela a été réitéré par ses successeurs, qui sont des loups de la même litière, donc il ne faudrait pas penser qu'ils pourraient avoir une philosophie différente. Mais en plus de le réitérer, ils ont démontré leur intention de mener à bien cette action, et de l'accomplir non seulement en Amérique, mais dans tous les pays du monde dans lesquels la lutte a été créée, où la lutte révolutionnaire s'est développée.

Ils ont essayé de massacrer l'Algérie, mais l'Algérie s'est libérée. Ils essaient de liquider aujourd'hui le peuple du Vietnam, mais le peuple du Vietnam est plus fort qu'eux, et le peuple du Vietnam continue jour après jour d'enregistrer de nouvelles victoires sur l'impérialisme, le forçant à payer par le sang des soldats [américains], et versant lui-même un tribut [de martyrs] pour l'immense quantité de victimes causées par l'impérialisme contre le peuple du Vietnam du Sud. Et la lutte continue et continuera jusqu'à la victoire. Cette révolution a commencé avant même la nôtre dans le Nord du Vietnam, et s'est consolidée avant que nous puissions arriver triomphalement à La Havane. Mais vous devez continuer à vous battre.

Le Laos se trouve dans les mêmes conditions. Et en Afrique, il y a plusieurs peuples qui ont pris cette voie (révolutionnaire). Avec plus ou moins de succès, mais ils ont pris cette voie. Et la Guinée portugaise triomphe dans ses luttes

Mais aujourd'hui, le souvenir plus présent, plus poignant que tout autre est certainement celui du Congo et de Lumumba. Aujourd'hui, dans ce Congo si éloigné de nous et pourtant tellement présent, il y a une histoire que nous devons connaître et une expérience qui doit nous être utile. L'autre jour, les parachutistes belges ont pris d'assaut la ville de Stanleyville. Ils ont massacré un grand nombre de citoyens et, en dernier lieu, après les avoir regroupés et assassinés sous la statue du professeur Lumumba, ils ont volé la statue de l'ancien président du Congo.

Cela nous révèle deux choses : premièrement, la bestialité de l'impérialisme. Une bestialité qui n'a pas de frontières déterminées ni n'appartient à un pays particulier. Les hordes hitlériennes étaient bestiales, tout comme les Nord-Américains aujourd'hui, tout comme les parachutistes belges, tout comme les impérialistes français en Algérie. Car c'est la nature même de l'impérialisme que de rabaisser les hommes à leurs pulsions les plus sauvages, de les transformer en bêtes féroces assoiffées de sang, disposées à égorger, à assassiner, à détruire jusqu'à la dernière image d'un révolutionnaire, d'un partisan d'un régime qui est tombé sous leur botte, ou qui se bat pour sa liberté.

Et cette statue à la mémoire de Lumumba, détruite aujourd'hui, mais qui sera reconstruite demain, nous rappelle aussi l'histoire tragique de ce martyr de la révolution du monde, et le fait qu'on ne peut jamais se fier à l'impérialisme, pas même pour la moindre des choses, rien de rien. Sous la bannière des Nations Unies au Congo, Lumumba a été assassiné. Et ce sont ces Nations Unies que les Américains prétendent faire inspecter notre territoire ! Ces mêmes Nations Unies ! ...

Et nous avons la satisfaction toujours croissante de voir que le nom de Cuba parcourt les champs d'Amérique et traverse aussi les champs d'autres pays du monde qui luttent pour leur liberté, signifiant toujours la même chose : l'image de ce qui peut être réalisé grâce à la lutte révolutionnaire, l'espoir d'un monde meilleur, l'idéal pour lequel il vaut la peine de risquer sa vie, de se sacrifier jusqu'à la mort sur les champs de bataille de tous les continents du monde. ...

Discours à l'ONU, le 11 décembre 1964

... Maintenant, oui, l'histoire devra compter avec les pauvres d'Amérique, avec les exploités et les humiliés d'Amérique Latine, qui ont décidé de commencer à écrire eux-mêmes, pour toujours, leur histoire.

Et cette vague de ressentiment indigné, de justice réclamée et de droits piétinés qui commence à se lever parmi les terres de l'Amérique latine, cette vague ne s'arrêtera plus. Cette vague augmentera avec chaque jour qui passe. Parce que cette vague est formée par les masses, qui constituent la majorité dans tous les aspects : ceux qui accumulent par leur travail les richesses, créent les valeurs, font tourner les roues de l'histoire et se réveillent maintenant du long rêve abrutissant qui leur a été imposé.

Parce que cette grande humanité s'est écriée « Assez ! » et a commencé à marcher. Et sa marche de géants ne s'arrêtera pas avant de conquérir la véritable indépendance, pour laquelle ils ont déjà sacrifié beaucoup de martyrs, plus d'une fois, en vain.

Maintenant, en tout cas, ceux qui meurent, mourront comme ceux de Cuba, ceux de Playa Giron : ils mourront pour leur unique, véritable et inaliénable indépendance. ...

Discours complets (en espagnol) : 360letras.wordpress.com

Traduction et sous-titres : sayed7asan.blogspot.fr

Farewell letter from the martyr Ernesto 'Che' Guevara read by Fidel Castro

Address of Commandante Fidel Castro Ruz, Prime Minister of the Communist Party of Cuba and Prime Minister of the Government of the Republic of Cuba, to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba in Havana on October 3rd, 1965Published on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of Che's assassination for the CIA, on October 9th, 1967

The farewell letter of Commandante Ernesto Che Guevara was read by Fidel Castro on October 3rd, 1965 in Havana, in front of the Central Committee of the Cuban Communist Party and before the cameras. After his return from Africa in February 1965, the Che disappeared from the public scene without official explanation, causing questions in Cuba and especially abroad. The rumors evoked disputes between Fidel and the Che, and even a real purge. This letter, written by the hand of the Che, proves the unfounded character of these calumnies, which the reactionaries (and pseudo-revolutionaries) continue to propagate to this day in order to discredit Cuba

Even before the beginning of the Cuban Revolution, Che, a convinced internationalist, had pledged himself alongside Fidel Castro on the condition of being free to pursue his revolutionary and anti-imperialist struggle under other heavens after the Victory in Cuba.His experiences in Congo and Bolivia were known only after his death, with the publication of his War Diaries by the Cuban government.

Transcript:

... There is an absence in our central committee of one who possess all the merits and all the virtues in the highest degree to belong to it and who, however, is not along the members of the central committee.

Around this the enemy had been able to weave a thousand conjectures. The enemy has tried to confuse and to sow discord and doubt. And patiently, because it was necessary to wait, we have waited. That is the difference between the revolutionary and the counterrevolutionary, between the revolutionary and the imperialist. We revolutionaries know how to wait. We know how to have patience. We never despair and the reactionaries, the counterrevolutionaries, the imperialists continue in perennial desperation.

They live in perennial anguish, in a perennial lying of the most ridiculous, of the most childish. When we read some of the things about those officials, come of those Yankee senators, one asks: "But how is it possible that this gentlemen is not in a stable instead of belonging to what is called a "Congress.” (applause) Some of them speak veritable barbarities. Any they have a tremendous habit of lying. They cannot live without lying. They live in anguish. If the revolutionary does something, which is what Cuba was always going, such as that to which I referred at the beginning, they see truculent things, terrible things, a plan behind all that. How ridiculous. In what fear, they live.

One asks oneself: "Do they believe that?: "Do they believe that?: "Could they believe all they say?” "Do they have a need to believe all they say or can they not live without believing all they say or do they say all that they do not believe?” It is difficult. It would be a question for doctors and psychologists. What do they have in this minds? What anguish is that? They see a maneuver in everything, a truculent, dark, terrible plan. And they do no know that there is not better tactic, nor a better strategy than to fight with clean weapons, than to fight with the truth, because those are the only weapons which inspire trust. They are the only weapons which inspire faith. They are the only weapons which inspire safety, moral dignity. And it has been with those weapons that we revolutionaries have been vanquishing and crushing our enemies.

You will never here a lie from the mouth of a revolutionary. There are weapons which do not benefit any revolutionary, and no serious revolutionary needs to resort to lies-ever. His weapon is reason, (word indistinct), the truth, the ability to have an idea, a purpose, a position; in short, the moral spectacle of our adversaries in truly lamentable. And thus, the diviners, the interpreters, the specialists in Cuban affairs, and the electronic brains have been working incessantly to solve this mystery, whether Ernesto Guevara has been purges, (applause) whether Ernesto Guevara was ill, whether Ernesto Guevara had had differences, and other questions of the same ilk.

Naturally, the people have confidence. The people have faith, but enemies will say these things, especially abroad, to slander him and the communist regime, dark, terrible things: men disappear, they do not leave a trace; they do not leave prints; there is no explanation; and we told the people at this time, when the people began to note this absence, that in due time we would talk. We would have some reasons to wait, we are developing surrounded by the forces of imperialism.

The world is not living in normal conditions. As long as the criminal bombs of Yankee imperialists are falling on the people of Vietnam, we cannot say that we are living under normal conditions. When more than 100,000 Yankee soldiers land there to try to smash the liberation movement, when the soldiers of imperialism land in a republic which has equality of rights, judicially, as do all the rest of the republic of the worlds, as in Santo Domingo, to trample its sovereignty, (applause) the world if not living under normal conditions. When around our country, the imperialists are training mercenaries and organizing vandalic attacks, in the most unpunished manner, as in the case of (few words indistinct), when the imperialists threaten to intervene in any country of Latin America or of the world, we are not living under normal conditions.

And when we were fighting in clandestine conditions against the Batista tyranny, we revolutionaries did not live in normal conditions. We had to adjust to the struggle. In the same way, although the revolutionary power exists in our country, in regard to the realities of the world, we do not live in normal conditions, and we shall have to adjust to this situation. And to explain this, we are going to read a letter here, in handwriting, here copied by typewriter, from Comrade Ernesto Guevara, (applause) which is self-explanatory.

I thought of telling the story of our friendship and our comradeship, how it began, under what conditions it began and how it developed, but it is not necessary. I am going to restrict myself to reading the letter. It says:

Havana-The date was not written down because this letter was to be read at the moment we felt it most convenient, but keeping to strict reality, it was delivered on 1 April of this year, exactly six months and two days ago, and it says the following:

"Havana, Year of Agriculture [1965].

Fidel,

At this moment I remember many things: the day I met you in the house of Maria Antonia, when you asked me to come with you [to participate in the Cuban Revolution] and all the tension of the preparations.

One day they came by to ask who should be notified in case of death, and the real possibility of this (death) struck us all. Thereafter, we knew it was true, and that in a revolution one triumphs or dies, if it is true. Many comrades fell on the road to victory.

Today, everything has a less dramatic tone, because we are more mature; but the event repeats itself. I feel like I have accomplished the part of my duty that tied me to the Cuban revolution in its territory, and I take my leave of you, of the comrades, of your people who is now also mine.

I formally resign my positions in the leadership of the Party, my position as Minister, my rank of Commander and my Cuban citizenship. Nothing legal binds me no longer to Cuba, except the links of another kind that cannot be broken, unlike titles or ranks.

Reviewing my past life, I believe I have worked with sufficient honesty and dedication to consolidate the revolutionary triumph. My only fault of some seriousness, is not having had more confidence in you from the first moments in the Sierra Maestra and not having been able to discern quickly your qualities of leader and revolutionary.

I have lived magnificent days, and I felt at your side the pride of belonging to our people in the luminous yet sad days of the Caribbean [Missile] crisis. Rarely, a head of state was as bright as you were in these circumstances. I am also proud to have followed you without hesitation, to have fully adhered to your way of thinking, and to have been able to see and appreciate the dangers and principles the way you did.

Other nations of the world summon my modest efforts of assistance. I can do what is denied to you due to your responsibility at the head of Cuba, and the time has come to part.

Know that I do it with a mixture of joy and pain. I leave here the purest of my hopes as a constructor and the dearest of all the ones I love. And I leave a people who adopted me like a son. It tears a part of my soul. On the new battlefields, I will bring the faith that you inculcated me, the revolutionary spirit of my people, the feeling of accomplishing the most sacred of duties: fighting against imperialism wherever it may be. It comforts and heals advantageously the deepest wounds.

I repeat once again that I free Cuba from all responsibility, except that which emanates from its example. If one day, in other lands, occurs to me the fateful hour (of martyrdom), my last thought will be for this people and especially for you.

Thank you for your teachings and your example to whom I will try to stay true to the last consequence of my actions. I was always in total agreement with the foreign policy of our Revolution, and I still am. Wherever I find myself, I will always feel upon me the responsibility of being a Cuban revolutionary, and I will behave as such. I leave nothing material to my children and to my wife, and this does not grieve me. I am happy that it is so. I ask nothing for them, because I know that the State will give them what they need to live and get an instruction.

I have much to say to you and to our people, but I feel that it is useless, because words cannot express what I would like to say, and it's not worth blackening more paper.

Until victory, always.

Homeland or Death !

I embrace you with all my revolutionary fervor.

(Signed �� Che.”

Source : cuba.cu
Translation: walterlippmann.com,sayed7asan.blogspot.com

Source: sayed7asan.blogspot.ch

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